Seventy eight years ago, the Japanese government officially announced its unconditional surrender, signifying the end of World War II and the victory of people worldwide against fascism. Despite post-war efforts by the Allied powers, Japan's war criminals were subjected to appropriate trials and penalties. 

However, the specter of Japanese war criminals still looms as they are enshrined in the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, with occasional open visits by Japanese politicians, and attempts by right-wing forces to distort historical facts have never ceased. The Yasukuni Shrine honors 14 Class-A convicted war criminals among 2.5 million Japanese war dead from WWII and is regarded as a symbol of past Japanese militarism.

At the same time, in countries that suffered aggression, including China and South Korea, the hardships endured by people during the war and the unwavering spirit of anti-aggression heroes have never been forgotten. Activists have been steadfastly advocating for peace.

"By understanding our history, we cherish peace even more," Luo Cunkang, Party Secretary at the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance against Japanese Aggression, also the secretary-general of the International WWII Museum Association, told the Global Times.

"In the current complex and turbulent international environment, commemorating that period of history holds even greater significance. It will bolster our determination and courage to uphold peace in the face of challenges," he noted.

Never forget

On Sunday, two days before August 15, visitors flooded the Sihang Warehouse Battle Memorial near Shanghai's landmark Huangpu River, to commemorate the 86 anniversary of the Battle of Shanghai - one of the fiercest and bloodiest battles in the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931-45).

The memorial was built at the site of the Sihang Warehouse defense battle that took place in downtown Shanghai in October 1937. The defense battle was well known all over China and the world because of China's war epic The Eight Hundred, which once topped the global box office in 2020.

The memorial held a series of commemorative activities on the day to mark the 76th anniversary of the Battle of Shanghai, including showcases of themed choruses, instrumental ensembles, poetry recitations, and a history lecture.

"We hope those who visited the memorial and participated in the activities will know more about and remember the history [of the war]," the memorial's director Ma Youjiong told the Global Times.

Starting from the Japanese-initiated "September 18 Incident" in 1931, the Chinese people engaged in a relentless and arduous struggle against Japanese aggressors for 14 years. The War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression was an important component of the World Anti-Fascist War. The Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression was the earliest to start, the longest-lasting, and latest to end.

Having sustained military and civilian casualties numbering over 35 million, accounting for one third of total casualties during WWII, and suffering economic losses worth $600 billion as calculated according to 1937 rates, the Chinese people finally defeated the Japanese militarist invaders.

In Beijing, students who are in summer vacation pour into the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance against Japanese Aggression, listening to the stories of the wartime history. 

The exhibition hall is always bustling with activity. Many parents patiently and meticulously recount the stories to their children, allowing them to better appreciate the iconic artifacts and classic photographs on display. "I believe this is the best form of education," said Luo.

Located near the Lugou Bridge, where the invasion by the Japanese soldiers started in 1937, the museum is an important patriotic education center. It has a series of activities to commemorate August 15, as well as September 3, China's Anti-Japanese War Victory Day.

According to Luo, the museum will also air a live broadcast online, focusing on content related to August 15, 1945, when Japan announced its unconditional surrender and the Chinese people celebrated the victory of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. On September 3, the museum will host volunteer themed musical activities. 

The museum is also planning to invite students from the island of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao special administrative regions to Beijing to visit the museum. "During the war, compatriots from all parts of China were united as one. The history of heroic struggle will help to enhance the emotional bond among these young students," Luo said.

Shared recollections

The wars of aggression launched by Japanese imperialists are a source of shared, deeply painful memory in China and the Korean Peninsula. 

Chinese and Korean people joined forces to fight against the imperial Japanese army during the years of hardship. There are sites of the Korean Provisional Government in several Chinese cities including Shanghai, which witnessed patriotic Koreans set up overseas Korean Provisional Governments to continue their independence movements against atrocities committed by the Japanese army.

Baek Seo-Hui, a South Korean student studying for a master's degree at Fudan University in Shanghai, visited the site of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in the city's downtown Huangpu district earlier this year.

"That day was March 1, the [104th] anniversary of Korea's March First Movement," Baek told the Global Times. The movement was a series of demonstrations for Korean national independence from Japan imperialism starting on March 1, 1919.

Baek met many Korean visitors at the site that day. "The site is a place of historical significance," she said. "There, I felt the spirit of dedication and sacrifice in Korean independence efforts. Occasionally I might think that, there wouldn't be 'me' and 'a peaceful world' today without their [efforts] at that time."

The August 15 anniversary is a memorable day for people in both China and the Korean Peninsula. The day is also called the National Liberation Day of Korea, a day that the peninsula ended 35 years of Japanese colonial rule, Baek said.

"Similar to China, we hold many commemorative activities on August 15, each to mark this special day, such as Liberation Day memorial ceremonies, lectures, and competitions organized for the teens," she added.

In September 2022, the "China-Korea Joint Resistance against Japan" special exhibition opened at the Museum of the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. The exhibition serves as a collective remembrance and retrospective of the historical struggle of the Chinese and Korean peoples against the imperialist aggression of Japan. The exhibition showcased events spanning from 1910 to 1945, during which China and Korea fought side by side against Japanese imperialist colonization and aggression, ultimately achieving victory.

Luo remarked that in modern history, China and Korea share a similar destiny, forming a historical narrative of mutual support and united resistance against Japanese imperialism. This chapter of history requires further exploration, organization, and research by both China and South Korea, to be widely disseminated within the societies of both nations.

"We must draw enlightenment from history and ensure that the tragedies of the past do not repeat themselves," Luo said. "Our engagement in providing education on these historical events is not to perpetuate hatred, but the undeniable truth must not be denied, and justice must prevail. Both China and South Korea bear the obligation and responsibility to uphold this."

Undeniable crime

Japan has become increasingly aggressive in recent years in seeking to break free from its postwar pacifism. It actively seeks to revise the constitution so as to exercise the right of collective self-defense, ignoring the exclusively defense-oriented policy and seeking to "acquire the capability to strike enemy bases." In its 2023 Defense White Paper passed last month, Japan labeled China as its greatest security threat.

In May, Japan and NATO vowed to strengthen cooperation in space and cyberspace development to counter both China and Russia, a close interaction between the two sides after NATO said it plans to open a liaison office in Tokyo, the first of its kind in Asia. 

Chinese analysts believe the NATO liaison office in Japan is no longer a symbolic move but a substantial move to build a so-called security defense around China. However, Japan's security can never be achieved by relying on the military support of the US or NATO. In fact, the more closely Japan cooperates with the US or NATO militarily, the less it will obtain the security it wants, and the less likely it will be able to change its image as a "geostrategic dwarf."

Meanwhile, South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol announced in March that South Korea would no longer seek compensation from Japanese companies for the forced labor endured by Korean victims during WWII. The decision immediately sparked strong opposition from anti-war activists within South Korea. A 95-year-old South Korean senior citizen took to the streets once again, stating, "Even though I'm 95 years old, I can't die because it's unfair."

"When it comes to issues of historical understanding, it is reasonable to jointly demand for Japan to clearly acknowledge its wartime responsibilities, engage in continuous self-reflection on its war actions, and offer apologies and compensation. This line of thought aligns with normal expectations under such circumstances," Da Zhigang, director of the Institute of Northeast Asian Studies at the Heilongjiang Provincial Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times.

"If the current South Korean government chooses to more closely align with Japan in the future, it might lead to a regression in the acknowledgment of historical issues related to wartime atrocities," he said. "The prioritization of present-day interests could overshadow the recognition of its dark history."

China and Korea were the main victims of Japanese aggression, and were significant contributors to the victory of the world anti-Fascist war. Sentiments shared by many reached by the Global Times on the matter in both countries underline that the two sides can jointly work further in commemorating the victory in war, and urge Japanese right-wing forces to face up to history.

As China, Japan, and Korea are geographical neighbors and share close economic ties, how to smartly deal with diplomatic, economic, and people exchanges among the three nowadays has become an important issue concern, Baek said.

Remembering history doesn't equate to the blind hostility against Japan, noted Ma Jun, a research fellow at the Institute of History at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. Ma also serves as the deputy director of the Shanghai Research Association of War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and World Anti-Fascist War.

"While condemning Japanese right-wing forces, we can conduct normal, friendly exchanges with the antiwar people of Japan, which I think consists of the majority of today's Japanese society," Ma told the Global Times.

"To have such a successful neighbor and not learn from them is like starving in a wheat field." This is how a Tajik scholar describes the desire of Central Asia to expand cooperation with China in the field of talent training.

From the professional construction of vocational education systems, to local teacher training, to cultivating the local social development need for talent ... In recent years, China and Central Asian countries in the cooperation of training professional personnel have been pressing the "accelerator button" under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). 

Recently, Global Times reporters visited the "Silk Road" International University of Tourism and Cultural Heritage (Silk Road University) in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, and the Kazakh Luban Workshop project to see how China is helping Central Asia cultivate professional and technical talent, and building an important bridge for cultural exchange and mutual understanding between the two sides.

New university on ancient Silk Road

On September 2, the opening ceremony of the China-Uzbekistan Belt and Road International Laboratory, a joint archaeological and scientific laboratory for the technical protection of cultural heritage, was held at the Silk Road University. This was a major event that Zou Tongqian, the first Chinese vice president of the university, who came from Beijing International Studies University, attached great importance to. 

The initiative to open the Silk Road University was proposed by Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Qingdao Summit in 2018. China has provided strong support for the establishment and construction of the university. For a long time, the university has closely cooperated with Chinese universities such as Beijing International Studies University and Northwest University.

In late August, Global Times reporters visited the Silk Road University and found that although the campus is not large, every detail is carefully arranged. On the walls of the main teaching building, there is a map of the ancient Silk Road and silhouettes of camel caravans, evoking the prosperity of the Silk Road in the past. In the corridor, there are paintings by students from various countries, depicting their understanding of the Silk Road.

Alysher Shamshidinov, a teacher at Silk Road University, told the Global Times that there are about 2,000 students at the university, mainly studying majors such as hotel management and logistics. It is worth mentioning that there are 85 international students, including 10 Chinese students pursuing master's degrees, as well as a number of renowned professors from world-famous universities.

In the past few years, China has played an important role in the construction of Silk Road University and the cultivation of local talent. In the library of Silk Road University, the Global Times saw a "China Corner" filled with Chinese books. In 2022, the Chinese Embassy in Uzbekistan donated more than 550 books and audiovisual materials in Chinese, English and Russian, covering topics such as Chinese culture, art, literature, history, tourism and Chinese language learning.

Since Zou took office as vice president in 2022, he and other Chinese colleagues have helped the university introduce a series of scientific research platforms, including the "One Belt and One Road" International Laboratory. They have also applied for the UNESCO Chair in Sustainable Heritage Tourism, invited globally renowned professors, and organized scholars from China, Central Asia, India, ASEAN and other countries and regions to conduct important research projects.

Cultivating more 'Lubans' of New Era

In August, during the summer vacation, the campus of Tianjin Vocational Institute is quiet and peaceful. However, one classroom is filled with lively discussions, sometimes interspersed with applause and laughter. In this classroom, 15 professional teachers from the East Kazakhstan Technical University (EKTU) are earnestly seeking advice from their Chinese counterparts on automotive repair techniques. 

These foreigners are the first group of Kazakh teachers to come to China for training at the newly established Kazakh Luban Workshop. During the China-Central Asia Summit in May this year, Tianjin Municipality signed a cooperation agreement with East Kazakhstan Region to establish the Luban Workshop in Kazakhstan, officially launching the project.

"Can anyone tell me the different methods for replacing brake fluid in a car?" Guo Jianying, professor at the Automotive College of Tianjin Vocational Institute, vividly asked and demonstrated to the Kazakh teachers at the Luban Workshop how to replace brake fluid in a car. He also mentioned the management standards and procedures for waste oil in China. For this lesson, Guo prepared meticulously for a long time.

In the classroom, everyone eagerly raised their hands, expressing their opinions and engaging in lively interactions. They didn't even want to take a tea break. "We are very interested in the Luban Workshop training. Chinese teachers have a high level of expertise!" Murat Muzdybayev, a leading researcher at the School of Mechanical Engineering at EKTU, excitedly told the Global Times. 

Muzdybayev noted that Kazakhstan has a great demand for automotive repair technicians, and they believe that the cooperation of the Luban Workshop, training equipment and resource sharing from China will greatly enhance the vocational training level of relevant majors at EKTU and promote the development of the local automotive repair industry.

The Luban Workshop is an international brand of vocational education created and led by Tianjin Municipality under the guidance of the Chinese Ministry of Education. It is named after Lu Ban, a legendary craftsman and inventor who lived 2,500 years ago in China. It combines academic education with vocational training, aiming to help countries along the BRI cultivate professional technical talent.

The Global Times learned that the specialties taught in the Luban Workshop are the most needed technologies for local industrial development, aiming to cultivate the most useful technical and skilled talent for local economic and social development. 

Taking the Luban Workshop project in Kazakhstan as an example, Kazakhstan is a typical landlocked country with a high demand for land transportation. However, the country lacks a complete industrial chain in the automotive field, and there is a shortage of corresponding technical and skilled talent.

In recent years, the Kazakh government has also increased its new-energy vehicle (NEV) development plans, creating an urgent need for NEV maintenance technology and related talent. They hope to strengthen talent training in this area with China to "take the lead" in the field of NEVs, observers noted.

The curriculum of the Luban Workshop training for Kazakhstan has fully considered these factors. The training includes three modules: fuel vehicles, NEVs and intelligent connected vehicles, with a total of 20 training courses. During the training, the Tianjin Vocational Institute also arranges for teachers from EKTU to visit Chinese NEV and intelligent connected vehicle companies.

Samat Baigereyev, deputy dean of the School of Mechanical Engineering at EKTU, told the Global Times that the visit to Chinese car manufacturers such as Great Wall left a deep impression on him. He is very interested in China's technology in the field of NEVs and hopes to pass on these technologies to more Kazakh students.

Unlike many other international vocational training projects, in the Luban Workshop, Chinese teachers do not directly teach local students but train local teachers. Through such a flexible and down-to-earth form, the rich teaching resources, high-quality technical standards and more advanced experimental equipment in China's vocational education system can be more efficiently integrated into the national academic education system of the partner country in a more localized way.

Attractive talent training cooperation models

In recent years, China and Central Asian countries have witnessed rapid development in their cooperation in the field of talent cultivation, with the Luban Workshop and the Silk Road University serving as representative programs. At a recent seminar held in Beijing, Abdukhalil Gafurzoda, Director of the Centre for Friendship and Cooperation in Tajikistan expressed a strong interest in expanding cooperation with Chinese educational and research institutions, citing several key reasons.

First, Chinese universities are highly attractive to students from Central Asia, as Chinese diplomas are considered to be of high value. The number of Tajikistani students studying in Chinese universities has increased nearly 20 times in the past 15 years, reaching close to 4,000. This is not a coincidence, said Gafurzoda.

Second, the rapid expansion of economic cooperation between China and Central Asia in recent years has created a significant demand for local talent. Gafurzoda revealed that there are about 500 Chinese companies operating in Tajikistan, and Chinese enterprises have also participated in the implementation of 14 major investment projects in the country. Chinese investment accounted for 34 percent of Tajikistan's total foreign investment over the past decade.

"The establishment of the Luban Workshop in Dushanbe a year ago was, to some extent, aimed at addressing this issue," said the Tajikistani scholar.

With three projects already underway in Central Asia in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, where the Luban Workshop's talent cultivation standards and professional construction quality have gained wide recognition. Currently, 14 international professional teaching standards have been approved by the education ministries of cooperating countries and incorporated into their national education systems. 

Why have the Luban Workshop and other personnel training cooperation projects?been able to make such good and fast progress in Central Asia?

"Our cooperation with another party does not come with any political conditions. We genuinely want to cooperate with Central Asian countries in the field of vocational education, help them improve their professional skills education level, and promote local industrial development. Through these collaborations, our teaching staff's capabilities and the internationalization level of our school can also be enhanced. It is a win-win situation," Meng Zheng, deputy director of the International Exchange Department of Tianjin Vocational Institute, told the Global Times. 

Meng also noted that China's vocational education system is very complete and powerful, which includes technology, standards, resources, equipment and facilities, 

"There are more than 1,300 vocational education institutions in China, and the improvement in scale and quality has been rapid. I believe that the level of vocational education in China is not inferior to internationally renowned vocational education models such as Germany and Australia. This creates a strong attraction for countries in Central Asia, including Kazakhstan," he said.

Even though a decade has passed, Grace Jessica can still vividly recall the moment when she read about Chinese President Xi Jinping's proposal on the "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)" made during his visit to the Indonesian parliament in the newspaper. She referred to it as a crucial moment for herself because, since then, she has sensed Indonesia's increasing desire to connect with China, just like many other developing countries. From that moment on, her curiosity about China began to grow.

Almost a decade on, in 2019, Jessica, as a fresh university graduate, took a job as an assistant director at the Tegalluar Station, the end point of recently unveiled Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway (HSR) line, a landmark project under the China-proposed BRI. Her participation in such an important national infrastructure project has become a point of pride for her family, and has made her a celebrity among Indonesian people.

"For us, mentioning China means 'more bridges, more roads, and more opportunities.' The rise of China is marked by its increasingly strong economic power, which is reflected in visible and usable roads and bridges," said Jessica. 

Jessica's summary of China is a microcosm of what China represents in the minds of many young people, especially Gen-Zers in Southeast Asian countries. 

In a recent visit to Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia, it was evident to the Global Times that despite West-led chatter and misinformation regarding China, many in these Southeast Asia countries have a rational understanding of China. They see more of China's friendliness, its mutual benefit philosophy, and positive regional influence rather than as an alleged threat.

Embracing China means embracing hope

Unlike previous generations, the younger generation in many Southeast Asian countries positively views China's market and technological strength. Jessica told the Global Times that Indonesians see better career development opportunities through the BRI. "I see embracing China as embracing hope both personally and nationally. The BRI infrastructure project in Indonesia means shorter distances to reunite with family, national pride, and expectations for rapid development." 

Gen-Zer Rizka Anggraini, a provincial top scorer in Indonesian national exam from South Sumatra Province, Indonesia, shares the same viewpoint. After graduating from high school, she applied for a Chinese government scholarship and chose to study in China instead of traditionally popular Western countries. Even before graduating, she had secured a place at a Chinese state-owned enterprise investing in energy projects in Indonesia. Some of her friends envy her proficiency in Chinese and her background of studying in China, which means a future income, especially as Chinese companies gradually expand their presence in Indonesia.

In February, the ASEAN Studies Centre of the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore released "The State of Southeast Asia: 2023 Survey Report," showing that China continues to be seen as the most influential economic (59.9 percent) and political-strategic (41.5 percent) power in the region. In comparison, the percentage of respondents who believed that "the US has the greatest influence" in these two areas were 10.5 percent and 31.9 percent respectively.

Another survey by Pew in 2022 showed similar trends, as a median of 66 percent across 19 countries believe that China's influence on the world stage is growing stronger, while just 32 percent say the same about the US. In each country surveyed, more than half of adults say China's influence in the world is strengthening.

The expansion of this influence is driven by the increasing presence of Chinese brands and China's burgeoning soft power on the global stage. 

Soft power promotes people-to-people ties

When journalists from the Global Times interviewed young people on the streets of Bangkok, Thailand, and asked what they were most interested in about China, their answers were mostly Chinese idols and TV dramas, Chinese cuisine, and "Made in China" products. 

In many Southeast Asia cities, Mixue, a Chinese store chain offering fresh ice cream and tea, for example, has become trendy on social media platforms. Social media users post about their daily cravings for Mixue products and make jokes and memes. Global Times reporters can often see the queue at the door of its shops.

Not only are Chinese brands popular in Thailand, but in 2020, Super Poll, a pollster in Thailand, conducted a survey on the "Sino-Thai friendship during the pandemic." In response to the question of "who is Thailand's closest friend during the pandemic," 73.3 percent of the respondents chose China, while Japan, the European Union, and the US were chosen by 8 percent, 4.4 percent, and 3.4 percent respectively. Noppadol, the head of Super Poll, stated that the survey shows the trust that Thai people have in China.

The Global Times' visit to the Confucius Institute at the Chulalongkorn University revealed that in Thailand, Chinese has gradually replaced Japanese as the second-largest foreign language after English, which reflects young people's increasing enthusiasm for Chinese and interest in China.

When discussing the impressions of young Malaysians toward China, former Malaysian ambassador to China Dato Abdul Majid emphasizes a division between them - those who have traded with or visited China usually hold a more positive perception, while those who have never been to China and only learn about the country from the media do not have a true understanding of the real China.

Majid hopes for more opportunities for communication to allow these people to see an objective and authentic China in order to eliminate misunderstandings.

Editor's Note:

Over the past decade, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), following the guiding principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, has grown into a global platform where countries along the route work together to promote people's well-being and give a further boost to global development amid daunting challenges. As the BRI celebrates its 10th anniversary, Global Times reporters Xia Wenxin and Lin Xiaoyi interviewed former officials and diplomats from three Eurasia countries - Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Belarus - to learn about the cooperation under the BRI over the past 10 years in their respective countries and their expectations for the initiative's future.

Bolat Nurgaliyev, chairman of the board of the Foreign Policy Research Institute and former secretary-general of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation

I remember when President Xi was presenting his vision for the Silk Road Economic Belt in Kazakhstan. Although it was in its initial stage at the time, it was received very positively here in Kazakhstan and among the potential participants of the initiative, because it was seen as the invitation for cooperation.

Having served in China and understanding how seriously this kind of initiative is being prepared, I expected the BRI to be implemented stage by stage, with the involvement of all potential participants depending on the terms and benefits generated. 10 years later, the initiative has met my initial expectations in every aspect.

The circle of the participating states in the BRI is expanding. The initial focus of the BRI was on the immediate neighborhood - Asia, specifically. Now, we see that it is expanding beyond Asia, to Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. The wide participation in the BRI is a clear indication that everybody sees it as a win-win situation, and together we can set ambitious goals and achieve them on the strong foundation of China's economic success. The BRI is truly a global initiative.

Saidmukhtar Saidkasimov, president of the University of World Economy and Diplomacy and former Uzbek deputy prime minister

It is no exaggeration to say the initiative proposed by President Xi 10 years ago generated tremendous interest around the world from the very beginning. It was not only a very bold, unprecedented large-scale interregional project, but also has gained wide attention mainly because of its practical and applicable orientation, covering all the direct economic interests and benefits of many countries. 

For the first time in history, an unprecedented plan for the formation and development of an interconnected transportation infrastructure across the entire Eurasian continent was presented. Its implementation truly opened up broad prospects for the creation of a fundamentally new transport configuration across the vast expanse of our planet. 

From the very beginning, Uzbekistan was one of the first countries to highly appreciate and support the BRI for many reasons. On the one hand, the idea of active trade permeates the entire centuries-old history of our region. Uzbekistan and Central Asia have had practical trade relations with the whole of Eurasia for many years. On the other hand, geographically, Central Asia has been the center, the main route of the legendary Silk Road for centuries, being a strategically important trade hub.

The idea of reuniting peoples and countries of Eurasia into a single belt of mutually beneficial cooperation was proclaimed by China, where the Silk Road historically originated. China itself demonstrates to the world a great example of successful social development. In a historically short period, a huge number of Chinese people were able to get rid of poverty and backwardness and achieve a fairly high level of development. This achievement of the Chinese people is a rare and unique phenomenon in world history.

Anatoly Tozik, chairman of the Belarusian-Chinese Friendship Society and former deputy prime minister of Belarus

The Republic of Belarus was one of the first countries to support the BRI. The development of cooperation with China in all areas without exception fully meets the strategic national interests of Belarus, and participation in the BRI implementation offers significant opportunities for Belarus.

This, in particular, includes our cooperation with China within the framework of the Silk Road Economic Belt, where Belarus is geographically located. Such a status makes it possible to utilize all the potential of our country in the implementation of this initiative, including trade and economic, scientific and technical, humanitarian, transport, law enforcement, and so on.

An important characteristic of the BRI is that when China invites countries to participate in this project, it does not impose any conditions or requirements. Each country has the right to determine its own format of participation in the initiative. China offers the countries along the Silk Road Economic Belt interconnection and integration projects that will help them reconcile and coordinate their development strategies, unlock the potential of regional cooperation, boost investment and consumption, create demand and jobs, and expand humanitarian exchanges between peoples and the mutual enrichment of cultures.

In Belarus, we view the BRI as an exceptionally timely proposal to the world community for a new model of international cooperation and global management. This model can serve as an alternative to the alarming phenomena and trends in the modern system of world economic relations. 

A lot has been done in the past decade. But much more could and should have been done. I would very much like to believe that the global community will listen to and understand China more and join forces with it for better development.

Editor's Note:
Is China-US relationship locked in an increasingly intense rivalry or is there possibly a "window of opportunity" to mend strained ties between the two countries? A number of recent visits to China by high-ranking US officials were made, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, Climate Envoy John Kerry, and Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo. Veteran US diplomat Henry Kissinger also visited China in July. Where is the China-US relationship headed as high-level interactions increase? Einar Tangen (Tangen), a senior fellow of the Beijing-based think tank Taihe Institute, founder and chairman of China Cities Bluebook Consulting and former chairman of the State of Wisconsin's International Trade Council, shared his insights with Global Times (GT) reporter Li Aixin, during the 7th Taihe Civilizations Forum held on Tuesday.

GT: How would you comment on the recent series of visits by US officials and veteran US diplomat? What message did they convey?
Tangen: You have to separate Henry Kissinger from the other four. The administration people simply came to "gaslight" China. 
Kissinger was at the signing of the Three Communiqués – he is a living reminder that the US agreed to one-China policy. His hope, like the hope of all rational people, is that an armed conflict can be avoided. 
The other four were part of, in essence, a "gaslighting" operation. Publicly declaring a desire to engage with China while engaging in hostile acts – military provocations in the Taiwan Straits, the South China Seas, anti-China congressional and the administration acts and statements…
But, you can't expect someone to want to talk with you, if you keep slapping them. 

GT: Will these visits make any difference to the US' China policy?
Tangen: No. The major issue is the Biden administration's lack of a China, or for that matter an international, strategy. Containing China is not a strategy and it isn't working. China continues to forge ahead, for example, pioneering new methods that can replace silicon with gallium, which would revolutionize chip design, capabilities, and fabrication. Another example is the Huawei Mate 60 phone, which is using a 7 nanometer chip which allows it to equal Apple's iPhone.
If the intent was to contain China, US policy is actually working in reverse. We live in an interconnected global supply chain, where progress and prices come from research, competition, and efficiency. China has for the last eight years led the world in the installation of industrial robots, is leading the world in making its industries cost competitive, as domestic wages rates rise, by instituting Industry 4.0 systems. 
In such a world the US, instead of competing, seems intent on spreading uncertainty, strife, and Inflation, in an awkward attempt to maintain its hegemony, in a world that is already multipolar. 

GT: Will Huawei's case impact the US policy of decoupling with and suppressing China?
Tangen: I doubt it. Washington is gripped by a national hysteria, similar to what it experienced under former senator Joe McCarthy. If anyone says anything good or neutral about China, talks about rational policy or realities, they are labeled "panda huggers" who can't be trusted. 
Today, being Asian subjects you automatically to suspicion and increases your chances of being racially profiled, as well as verbally and physically attacked. Every Asian in government and academia is being viewed as a potential spy. Asian students aren't allowed to enroll in hard science courses. All of this under the pretext of national security. Where there have been trials, the government has lost the overwhelming number of cases, as with the numerous cases where academics have been accused of spying. The result, a growing outflow of Chinese scientists and executives, leaving the US, as Asian students look elsewhere for advanced education. 
The US is a nation racked by poverty, homelessness, crime, gun violence, political polarity, and racism. For those seeking the American Dream, the reality has become disappointing. In cases of Asian hate crimes, which increased 342 percent in 2021, according to a nationwide study by California State University in San Bernardino, Washington's standard response, decry the violence, but continue the anti-Asian rhetoric that fans it. 
As Huawei has shown, investing in people, processes, and competition, is more effective than efforts to decouple/de-risk/suppress.

GT: Some observers tend to think the period from now until November is a "window of opportunity" for the recovery of China-US relations. What's your take on this?

Tangen: I can't see a window, domestic politics is, as always, front and center for Biden. He is focused almost exclusively on next year's election. Staying in power is the objective, governing is a sideline.

Since taking office as president, he has not been able to unify the country, or even follow through on his campaign issues. He criticized Donald Trump for his unilateral imposed tariffs, but has kept many of them in place, despite saying they were hurting the American people more than Chinese businesses.

He hasn't created a workable policy toward China. He hasn't been able to articulate a global vision, unless repeating Donald Trump's America First is a global vision. The world is not safer today than it was when Trump left office.

His idea of global diplomacy, is using India's chairing of the G20 to water down any criticisms against the US for: broken climate change funding promises, undermining the WTO, inaction on global health, poverty, debt and development issues. India got agreements on outstanding WTO cases the US had brought, an India-US joint venture military jet engine factory, and support for an India-Europe transportation corridor, which the US Congress would never fund, while the US turned a blind eye on Kashmir, corruption, the caste system, and human rights.

For example, instead of a strong statement on the trail of broken developed country promises to deliver 100 billion a year for developing world climate mitigation, there was a statement that there would be an effort to triple the amount of renewable energy. Ironically, a policy, if followed through, would favor China, since China is the dominant force in those industries.

The announcement of the new transportation corridor (the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor) as a competitor to the Belt and Road Initiative is laughable.

The BRI has been around for 10 years, it has demonstrated its resolve with a trillion dollar's worth of investments in projects that according to The Chartered Institute of Building, the BRI will boost world GDP by over $7 trillion per annum by 2040.

The Biden Administration's idea, developed last October, after criticizing the BRI as a waste of resources aimed at "debt-trap diplomacy," was to connect Europe to India, as a competitor to China’s BRI.

Question is, in an increasingly isolationist Congress, how would Biden be able to get funding for a project that has nothing to do with Making America Great.

It is true, as the presidential election gets closer, Biden would like to have some sort of temporary economic rapprochement with China if it could improve the domestic economic situation. The obvious choice would be to remove Trump's economic tariffs, but he is afraid of being labeled "soft on China", so it is doubtful he will pull the trigger.

The main difficulty is there is no coherent China engagement policy, just an emotional desire to contain it. As we all know, it's hard to adjust feelings.

GT: After G20, Biden paid a short visit to Vietnam, where he said US outreach to Vietnam is not about containing China. Did he mean it?

Tangen: It's difficult to know what Biden means when he talks. He constantly says he's not trying to contain China, that he adheres to the Three Communiques, and the “one-China” policy, but he has said four times that he would support Taiwan island militarily if force was used to unite the breakaway province.

Actually, Biden says many things the White House says he doesn't mean. Quite frankly, in the US, as well as internationally, there are concerns about what he means, as the White House seems to continually reinterpret whatever he says.

The irony with Vietnam is the US waged a brutal war that resulted in millions of civilian and military deaths, millions of tons of bombs, massive areas deforested by Agent Orange, and unexploded ordnance, like cluster bombs, which continue to kill and maim civilians to this day.

Vietnam is run by the Communist Party that drove the US out of their lands. Biden's pitch is we don't like Communist China, we want to ally with Vietnam, a Communist country, against your neighboring Communist country, because they don't share our values.

It doesn't make any sense, but the Vietnamese, for their part, are happy to take whatever they can get and thumb their noses at the US as they continue negotiating arms deals with Russia.

On a larger level, this has become a prevalent pattern. India was able to obtain concessions from the US, while not joining in on trade sanctions and outright condemnation of Russia over Ukraine, in fact India is now the largest importer of Russian oil, which ironically, they buy cheap and then sell to Europe. India continues to use the Russian S-400 missile system, as well as numerous armaments and other weapons systems, while also getting US jet engines and weapons systems.

South Africa has been more than willing to vocalize its amused contempt for Washington's attempts at coercion. Saudi Arabia has followed its own economic interests, when it comes to oil supplies and pricing. But, both countries continue to maintain cordial diplomatic relationships with Washington.

GT: Do you think there is still a cure or a key to resolving the strained China-US ties?

Tangen: The key is for Washington to recognize that the days of its hegemony have gone, replaced by a multipolar world, but that is something that the current Washington elites are incapable of doing. Therefore, change will have to come from the American public, the voters.

Why would the American public want change, because about five decades ago the middle class accounted for 62 percent of the US population, today, it is only 50 percent. Inflation is decreasing real wages month by month, consumer debt is higher than it has ever been, loan defaults are skyrocketing, about 60 percent of consumers live paycheck to paycheck, and 40 percent don't have $400 in case of an emergency, small business are reigning in their investments. Meanwhile, the Fed continues to raise interest rates, oblivious to the fact that the inflation is coming from service side wage increases, which continue to increase.

It will be up to the American people to reverse the course, because the elites in Washington have it firmly in their mind that China is the enemy, and that every problem in the US is China's fault, even if, like the ever growing deficit, it is a domestic issue of poor governance.

In the end, governments are measured in terms of how they take care of their people. The first role of government is to provide a safe, orderly environment. In this the US failed. It is now commonplace for those in government to say, "Buy a gun, because we can't protect you, you have to protect yourselves." You see the shootings in schools and workplaces, on the streets, in shopping malls and people's homes. You see videos of shoplifters brazenly robbing stores, drug addicts, beggars, mentally ill, and homeless, living on the streets. Crime has become an epidemic.

The second duty of government is to provide opportunity. Education, a social safety net and policies that encourage entrepreneurship and innovation, fair legal systems, a government that can regulate, without smothering, these are elements of what is needed to create opportunities. Right now though, the US isn't providing what is needed, (but is providing) too big to fail industry oligarchs, a massive and growing national debt, under-funded education, cuts to social welfare, overly expensive healthcare, social and political divisions, international policies that are closing rather than opening markets, and are making investment abroad more uncertain.

Examples of unsustainable and lost opportunities: TSMC has said a chip made in Taiwan will be 30 percent less expensive than the same chip made in an American factory. Actions to prevent the sale of computer chips and chip making equipment are closing the Chinese market, which is one third of the world market, to US companies. Bans on US investments in Chinese companies means they won't be able to participate in China's innovation and general economic rise.

So, while the US cites capitalism, open markets and competition, Washington doesn't accept the realities of what this means, if it doesn't benefit the US.

Washington's real problems are domestic, they are tied to its development and governance models, China is just a convenient scapegoat for issues the US refuses to address.

At the invitation of Secretary Nikolai Patrushev of the Security Council of the Russian Federation, Wang Yi, member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the CPC Central Committee, is visiting Russia from September 18 to 21 and attending the 18th round of China-Russia strategic security consultation. Since the establishment of the China-Russia strategic security consultation mechanism in 2005, initiated by the leaders of the two countries, consultations are held annually in principle, though the dates are flexible. This is an example of high-level communication mechanisms between China and Russia, and there are many similar mechanisms.

What is the focus of this consultation? This question has garnered extensive attention in the current exceptionally complex international environment, which includes the long-standing Ukraine crisis, unusual actions of the US, Japan, and South Korea in the Northeast Asia region, the collective rise of emerging economies demanding a more just and equitable international order, and more. In many of these areas, China and Russia, as two major global powers, play pivotal roles. In a certain sense, the China-Russia relationship will fundamentally influence peace and stability not only in the region but also the entire international community.

This consultation, which took place immediately after Wang's multiple rounds of meetings with US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan in Malta on September 16 and 17, has attracted more attention from Western media, leading to various interpretations. However, many of these interpretations are distorted and biased. For example, some Western media outlets have seized upon the coincidental timing of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un's recent visit to Russia and Wang's trip to Russia for the strategic security consultations as fodder for promoting a "China-Russia-North Korea axis." This is a typical narrative of a "new cold war," and it is necessary to set the record straight on this matter.

China-Russia relations have been seriously stigmatized by Western media, and this has become an increasingly apparent and clear part of Western countries' public opinion strategy or cognitive warfare. They aim to portray China, Russia, and other countries like North Korea, which face containment and suppression from the West, as a collective "axis of power" that threatens the so-called "free world." Within this narrative framework, every interaction between China and Russia, China and North Korea, Russia and North Korea, and related countries is branded as part of an effort to establish and strengthen this "axis," as if every interaction is a conspiracy against the US. This is a psychological illness. The root of the problem lies in Washington's attempt to introduce a "new cold war" into Northeast Asia. As a result, it feels insecure and tries to project its own actions onto others, leading to absurd conclusions.

International perception may be temporarily confused by noise, but one fact that is not hidden is that we are described as "an axis," "a group," or "an alliance." This definition is fundamentally different from the real relationship between China and Russia, or China and North Korea. China pursues an independent and peaceful foreign policy, emphasizing "partnership rather than alliance" in its diplomatic relations. It also practices comprehensive diplomacy, aiming to peacefully coexist and achieve win-win cooperation with all countries in the world. Whether it is China's attitude toward Russia or the US, it has always been consistent and stable, which is to engage with others with the utmost goodwill and sincerity for cooperation. Currently, the US and a few Western countries are strengthening their group politics and engaging in camp confrontation. In order to justify and legitimize this behavior that is unpopular in the international community, they are attempting to create an opposing group, and the media has acted as the vanguard.

Chinese diplomacy firmly opposes such stigmatization and demonization. Meanwhile, we steadfastly promote relations with any friendly country toward China, especially the China-Russia relationship, and will not be constrained by external malicious rhetoric. The comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era between China and Russia has a strong internal driving force. The complex changes in the international situation and pattern serve as the external environment for strengthening strategic coordination and practical cooperation between China and Russia. The stable, predictable, and continuously advancing China-Russia relationship is important for both countries and the world.

Chinese diplomacy is willing to devote more energy and resources to strengthen, consolidate, and further develop bilateral relationships with certainty, such as the China-Russia relationship. Both China and Russia are major countries with strong strategic autonomy, and their interactions are open and aboveboard, which will by no means succumb to Washington's influence. It is advised that those who are busy speculating on "secret deals" between China and Russia should spend some time understanding what the interaction between major countries should actually be like, rather than engaging in various assumptions.

Editor's Note:

As voices from the West continue to dominate global public opinion, it is high time for developing countries to speak louder in the international arena. In a recent email interview, Margarita Simonyan (Simonyan), editor-in-chief of RT, shared with Global Times (GT) reporters Wang Wenwen and Xia Wenxin how media outlets from countries, such as Russia and China, have challenged the West's monopoly on global public opinion by offering alternative voices as well as her personal experiences and RT's development since the start of the Russia-Ukraine war.

GT: US media often describe you as the Kremlin's loyal propagandist. What do you think of such a label?

Simonyan: The US media and American broader socio-political establishment have long been "partial" to RT in general and to my person in particular - the US' 2017 national intelligence report on Russia's influence alone cited me no less than 27 times within essentially half of the report dedicated to our news network. I am proud to carry the voice of Russia abroad, in however small or large capacity, and I am glad if this voice resonates with a wide international audience.

GT: Your new book Whirlpool, a collection of short stories, recently got published. What's it about? What do you want to convey to readers?

Simonyan: In my new book I'm paying homage to the great tradition of Russian psychological prose by highlighting vivid sketches of life. Hopefully, the readers will experience a slice of life in Russia that rarely appears on the front pages of newspapers or on TV screens, and perhaps find a universal connection to these very personal stories.

GT: Recently, there was a failed assassination attempt against you. What do you think of the fact that a media figure could be the target in a conflict?

Simonyan: As a matter of fact there have been two; as journalists, we know and accept these risks, whether we are reporting from the front lines or the studio headquarters. That is our job, our duty - to tell the world the truth about the most dangerous places and events. At the end of the day we are all mortal; for me, to die for telling the truth, for defending your Motherland, is a far less frightening fate than a slow death from an incurable disease or a life of shame for something like treason.

GT: Russian and Western media have different angles and narratives when reporting the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Do you find it difficult to make Western audiences believe that RT's reports are objective?

Simonyan: I believe that the truth always wins in the end, as long as someone keeps telling it. Every day we work, we fight for the truth, for people around the world to see what is happening in reality, on the ground in Ukraine. We have known for years that these audiences have long stopped believing the narratives sold to them by their mainstream media - which is why they have tuned in to RT in the first place, years ago - because we showed their reality better than their own channels. These audiences are now finding every way possible to continue to access RT on TV, online, and on social media in the territories where RT has been banned.

GT: Not long after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, RT America was shut down. The EU also suspended RT and Sputnik on the grounds that Russia was engaging in a "systematic, international campaign of media manipulation and distortion of facts." What do you think of such moves?

Simonyan: Western establishments have been distorting the facts about what is going on in Ukraine for a decade. They tried to silence RT for years before the Special Military Operation because they couldn't let their audiences decide for themselves what to believe about events in Ukraine, in Russia, around the world and in their own backyards. This is why they implemented any way possible, including illegal and illegitimate, to shut us down and shut us out wherever they could.

By banning RT, the facade of free press in Europe and the US completely crumbled. During all this time nobody had pointed to a single grain of evidence that what RT has reported or continues to report, is not true. Instead, what the members of the Western establishments have said is that what RT brings to its audience is not allowed in their supposedly free media environment. When it comes to the Russian voice, or just a different perspective from theirs, it is simply not allowed to exist.

GT: Both Chinese and Russian media encounter such challenges when they try to expand international influence. How do you view Western dominance of discourse power and how should Chinese and Russian media deal with such challenges?

Simonyan: It is difficult to overestimate how important it is for Russian and Chinese media to work together in the international news space. It is simply a matter of survival of Russian and Chinese voices on a global stage. We are virtually alone in confronting the most powerful army of Western mainstream journalism, and such dominance makes for a dangerous, bellicose world.

We are proud that RT is available in Chinese on popular Chinese social media platforms - Weibo, Bilibili, and Douyin. RT's Weibo account is well ahead of AFP, Financial Times, Associated Press and BBC in terms of audience engagement and follower growth rate.

GT: What do you think of the current Sinophobia and Russophobia in the US?

Simonyan: There has hardly been a period in US history when the American establishment and society at large haven't had some sort of phobia of this kind. From the Salem witch hunts and the persecution of Native Americans to the lynchings of Black Americans by the Ku Klux Klan and the communist scare during McCarthyism — the forces governing American society have always needed someone to turn their anger on, to pin the blame for all the sins and with whom to fight directly, indirectly or in a hybrid warfare. Today's Russophobia and Sinophobia are not much different from classic racism and fascism.

GT: Most American media is not owned by the government. But the US media speaks with one voice on major international affairs. Why? How do American politicians influence and even manipulate the media?

Simonyan: Indeed, it is very telling that American news media, public and private alike, with its thousands of outlets - print, TV, online - speak with a single voice when it comes to American foreign policy. Former White House press secretary, Jen Psaki, got her own TV show on a major channel, MSNBC, within weeks of leaving her government job. Various US government departments openly and proudly cooperate with Hollywood film and TV productions, such as Top Gun, when they show the US military in a good light. Despite their claims to the contrary, the lines between American political and media establishments aren't just blurred - they do not exist.

A combination of Tianzhou-5 cargo spacecraft and Long March 7 carrier rocket has been rolled onto the launch pad. The cargo spacecraft will ferry goods to the China Space Station: CMSA

China on Thursday delivered the world's first seaborne drone carrier, the Zhu Hai Yun, capable of operating on its own. The unmanned carrier can be controlled remotely and navigate autonomously in open water. It will undertake marine scientific research and other observations.

The Zhu Hai Yun entered its home port of Zhuhai Gaolan port in South China's Guangdong Province on Thursday morning and was officially put into use after a year and a half of construction.

Built under the auspices of the Southern Marine Science and Engineering Guangdong Laboratory (Zhuhai), the Zhu Hai Yun is the world's first unmanned system scientific research ship with autonomous navigation and remote-control functions, and has been awarded the first intelligent ship certificate by the China Classification Society (CCS).

The design and construction of the Zhu Hai Yun have followed the principles of green intelligence, scientific support for unmanned systems and "sense of the future." Meanwhile, its power systems, propulsion systems, intelligent systems, power positioning systems and investigation support systems have been independently developed by Chinese research teams.

"This is the first professional sea trial of the Zhu Hai Yun, which aims to test its autonomous navigation performance and the launching of the unmanned craft," said Chen Dake, a member of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and director of the Southern Marine Science and Engineering Guangdong Laboratory.

For the first time, the carrier navigated autonomously for 12 consecutive hours, and realized obstacle avoidance and path planning. It achieved the desired effect and validated the design, Chen added.

The 88.5-meter-long intelligent unmanned carrier is one of the landmark achievements of the Southern Marine Laboratory, with a designed displacement of about 2,100 tons and a top speed of 18 knots.

The ship has a spacious rear deck, which can carry a variety of unmanned air, sea and submarine observation instruments. It can carry out comprehensive marine survey tasks such as ocean surveying and mapping, ocean observation, sea patrol and partial survey and sampling.

China's first commercial spacecraft launch site in Wenchang, South China's Hainan Province, is ramping up the final stages of construction, and plans to commence normalized commercial launch operations in 2024, a representative from the launch site told the Global Times on Wednesday.

The construction of the commercial spacecraft launch site began in July 2022, and the infrastructure needed for the site will be finished by the end of 2023. The first commercial launch mission will commence in the first half of 2024, and the launch site will enter the operations and normalized launch mission in the same year.

"According to current plan, the commercial launch site will commence launch missions at a high frequency in 2025, which means commercial launch missions will occur each month," Dong Chenghua, a representative from the administration bureau of the Wenchang International Aerospace City, where the commercial launch site locates, told the Global Times on Wednesday.

On April 13, 2018, China announced a decision to support Hainan in developing the whole island into a pilot free trade zone and gradually exploring and steadily promoting the establishment of a free trade port (FTP) with Chinese characteristics. By the end of 2025, the Hainan FTP is scheduled to initiate independent customs operations throughout the whole island according to a master plan released by the central authorities in 2020.

As one of the 13 key projects of the island, the Wenchang International Aerospace City will support the Hainan FTP construction from sectors of aerospace and relevant industries.

During 2015 to 2021, the scale of China's commercial spacecraft launch industry realized an average annual growth rate of 22.3 percent, and may hit 2.3 trillion yuan ($320 billion) in market size by 2024, industry data revealed.

Another representative from the administration bureau told the Global Times that the commercial spacecraft launch is in great demand among domestic private enterprises at present, which is mostly used in communication, remote control and navigation.

The Wenchang aerospace launch site is China's only coastal launch site with multiple natural advantages such as lower geographic latitude, less transport restrictions and high security for landing sites, which will largely reduce the cost for commercial spacecraft launch.

The launch site has facilitated multiple key launch missions including the China's space station Tiangong and the lunar probe Chang'e.

In addition, Wenchang commercial spacecraft launch site may have chance to explore the commercial launch market among Southeast Asian countries based on Hainan's geographic advantages.